The Peoples struggle for Social Justice at NERIST,Arunachal Pradesh

Introduction

North Eastern Regional Institute of Science and Technology(NERIST) was brought to standstill by organizations, namely, Students Union NERIST (SUN), NERIST Arunachalee Employees Welfare Association (NAE-WA), NERIST Employees Union (NEU) and NERIST Technical Staff union society with its indefinite strike from today, i.e.26 September 2008, demanding termination of Ashok Singh. “The academic activities and administrative functioning of NERIST were totally crippled due to indefinite strike” according to NAEWA sources, observed the Arunachal Times.

Why the NERIST Registrar Ashok Singh should go?

SUN, the student body of NERIST had submitted a memo to NERIST director demanding termination of Singh on Aug 25 last. It had demanded the termination of Singh from the institute within 30 days over the various charges. The SUN alleged that “the NERIST registrar did not fulfill the age criteria for the post at the time of his joining, got his son admitted into NERIST without proper documents, made himself the sole authority for taking law and order into his own hands directing police force to enter the institute and create havoc inside the campus and physically harassed the students through outside elements”. However, “the alleged is still in office while no determinate decision has been concluded by the committee formed to overlook the matter”, it said. Further, the Union said that “the indefinite strike will continue until Ashok Singh is terminated”.

View of the People’s Party of Arunachal (P.P.A)

According to the Arunachal Times, “the People's Party of Arunachal (P.P.A) appreciated what it termed the bold step taken by the NERIST Arunachalee Employees Welfare Association (NAEWA) by filing case against the Registrar, NERIST under Prevention of Atrocities Act and Rules”. “This move would set the example to tribal people who are subjected to various forms of racial discrimination and atrocities in other Central Institutions and other parts of India”, the party said. “The tribal people particularly Arunachalees face different kinds of racial discrimination and atrocities in mainland India and in various Central Institutions. The North Eastern Regional Institute of Science and Technology (NERIST) is only one example where the tribal people are suffering atrocities from their authorities. This move is a kind of attempt to assert the dignity and self-esteem of the tribal people”, the party release added.

Conclusion

The revived Peoples’ Party of Arunachal, the first regional party of the state that had merged with Janata Dal (JD) in 1989, should start fighting right from the bottom to boost its support base as a real regional party. As such, its support for the Peoples struggle at NERIST is in the right direction. The honour that PPA receieved from the indigenous people of the land during the time of Late Bakin Pertin and Tomo Riba needs to be revived. To do it, the present leaders should not deviate itself from the peoples struggle. In doing so, definitely the young generations would follow their elders in keeping the fundamental basic human right to “live with dignity”.
Its fight should look beyond just competing the Parliamentary and State Assembly elections in 2009, to boost its support base. PPA should “stand for the interest of people” as it is a “Party for the people”. In maintaining so, obviously it will turn out to be a ‘Party by the people” because of its popular mass base. If the MNF in Mizoram, Nagaland People’s Front or the Sikkim Democratic Front can do well, “Why not the Peoples Party of Arunachal?” The coalition base politics in India has thrown up lots of opportunities which can be explored and tapped according to the “Peoples Interest”.

Reference
NERIST shut demanding registrar’s termination, The Arunachal Times, 26 September 2008

Arunachal Congress and the issue of refugee

The Arunachal Congress (AC) was born during 1995 because of the refugee issue in the state of Arunachal Pradesh in India. The then Chief Minister Gegong Apang in a public rally at Rajiv Gandhi Stadium at Naharlagun formed the AC with the support of the people. During this movment, all the Indian National Congress (INC) legislatures of the Arunachal State Assembly resigned from the INC membership and became part of the newly formed AC Party. The main objective for the formation of AC was to fight aginst the Indian Governments attitude towards the refugee issue in Arunachal Pradesh. The people of Arunachal Pradesh are fed up in giving shelter to the refugees for the last five or six decades. The refugees have started to marginalize and challenge the local indegenous people forgetting that they are the one who have sheltered them in times of trouble. The Indian Government was not in a position to shelter these refugees which can be seen from the fact that they were transferred from the Indian state of Bihar to its present location. The Indian Government had violated its own law by keeping away the implementation of Inner Line Permit (ILP) as per the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulation Act 1873. Keeping this in mind, the Arunachal Congress celebrated its 13th Foundation Day vowing to continue the struggle against foreigners.
But a big question needed to be answered is “Whether its fight is genuine or not?” “Who is this Jivan Gurung whom they have appointed as General Secretary?” He seems to be a Gorkha or a Nepali. If he is a Gorkha, Gorkhaland is where he should play Politics not here. Nepali...Nepal is his homeland.
The Arunachal Congress should be very careful in doing its homework. Otherwise, its nothing but would be like selling off our own homeland in the long run. “Politics is the medium through which we unknowingly start to give legitimacy to what we actually are against.”

Reference
Tayeng,Ojing (2008),”Arunachal Congress vows to continue the struggle against foreigners 13th Foundation Day celebrated”, The Arunachal Times, 21 September 2008.

e-Arik for the farmers

e-Arik web portal connects rural farmers, The Arunachal Times, 16 October 2008.
PASIGHAT, Sept 15: Access to appropriate agricultural information is a difficult task for the rural tribal farmers of Arunachal Pradesh State. The region's geographical remoteness, inadequate transport and communication facilities in rural areas, difficult terrain and inadequate technical work force in the rural developmental departments make the information and advanced farm technological access of rural farmers become distant reality.
Considering dismal information dissemination scenario, the e-Arik (e-Agriculture), the DSIR sponsored research project of College of Horticulture and Forestry, Central Agricultural University, Pasighat hosted a web portal (http://www.earik.in/) for the rural farmers of Arunachal Pradesh. The portal provides information on agriculture, rural development, education, health, governance and other related areas. Further, weather forecasting link, market information, farm training and demonstration announcements.
Agriculture section provides information on khasi mandarin cultivation and management aspects, Bordeaux mixture preparation and their uses in khasi mandarin orchard, powerpoint slide show on integrated diseases management, post harvest technology of khasi mandarin, production and post harvest management of ginger. The e-Arik portal also provides information on developmental departments such as; agriculture, horticulture, animal husbandry and veterinary, fisheries, farmers training centre, state soil testing laboratory, district rural development agency. Education section provides information on central government scholarships for ST students such as; scheme of post-metric scholarships, central sector scholarship scheme for top class education for ST students, research fellowships and national overseas scholarships. Health section provides preliminary information on Aids awareness and malaria awareness. Governance section provides application forms for issue of income certificate, ST certificate, trade licence and building assistance. Extras section provides information on Telephone directory of East Siang district.

Traditional Gate

Entry gate sans aesthetics by D. Bosai, The Arunachal Times, 16 September 2008

ITANAGAR, Sept 15: The entry gate or welcome gate to any place is an important and significant structure. It depicts in brief the culture and identity of the people living in that place. Little wonder then, in depth research is necessary to select proper and right materials and the best architects of the land should be involved to construct such an entry gate.
Opinions and views of social scientists and academicians and thinkers should be sought before creating such an important structure. However, the entry gate to the state capital, Itanagar at Banderdewa is bereft of all aesthetic material that depicts the cultural identity of the tribals of Arunachal Pradesh. An entry or welcome gate must not only be a feast to the eyes of the beholders but must necessarily carry a meaningful message. No doubt, the structure at Banderdewa is huge and stands dominantly towering over the ambience of the place. Surely a huge amount must have been spent and great effort must have been put in to erect it. But the monumental effort apparently seems to be an effort in futility as the gate has little to offer in terms of displaying the spirit and life style of the tribal people of the state. In other words, this huge structure is serving little or no purpose. In fact many feel that in many ways the mithun gate at Itanagar was better than the present entry gate at Banderdewa.
There is no dearth of traditional artifacts in the state for inclusion in such a structure like podum (Nyishi head gear), ngama joan (traditional hat of the Monpas), pasong (spear of the Noctes and Wanchos), kong (gong of the Khamtis, Tangsas and Singphos), Nara (cane bag of the Adis) and traditional cane hat of the Gallos, Tagins, and Idu Mishmis. Inclusion of these traditional articles in the gate will not only enhance the beauty of the gate but will add meaning and substance. Even the exotic animals and birds of the state like mithun, yak, hornbill etc. can also be symbolically used as they are dear to the tribals.
Our engineers and architects need to take a leaf from the book of the Nagas. In Nagaland most private and government buildings and even churches are built with an ethnic touch. The traditional gates there need to be seen to believe. They are so magnificent and depict the Naga way of life very vividly. A casual glance at the entry gate to Kohima located between Dimapur and Kohima will tell you without doubt that you have entered Nagaland. The Nagas may be in news for all the wrong reasons today, but we must admit that they have preserved their tradition jealously and with great success. Sadly, we the Arunachalees do not have even a false pride of being what we are, leave alone genuine pride. Erecting traditional gates depicting the traditional practices of our society can be a small step to show to the world that ‘we love and care for our ethnic traditions’.

(The writer is a DIPRO, Khonsa)

Patkai Autonomous Demand Committee

The Tanee Brotherhood always supports the rights of indegenous people around the world for self-determination "within or outside a state or national boundaries". It is the fundamental human right of the indegenous people of Tirap and Changlang to demand for the Patkai Autonomous Council.
Therefore,the Tanee Brotherhood supports the Patkai Autonomous Demand Committee because it is their natural human right to determine for themselves "What they want ?" or "Where they ought to be ?"
After all, its their land.

Parivar's Plan

By VENKITESH RAMAKRISHNA, Frontline, Volume 25, Number 19, September 13-26 2008.

The Sangh and its affiliates have achieved greater coordination at this point of time.

PTI

Sadhus at the VHP-sponsored Dharam Sansad held in Allahabad in February 2006.

ON December 24, 2007, when top leaders of the Sangh Parivar were celebrating the remarkable thrice-in-a-row victory of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in Gujarat under the leadership of Chief Minister Narendra Modi, its cadre attacked Dalit and tribal Christians in Kandhamal district of Orissa. The general reaction to the attacks was one of shock and disgust, but the higher echelons of the Sangh Parivar interpreted them as bearing a unique organisational message to the top leadership. Implausible as it may sound, it was felt that one of the Sangh Parivar outfits, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), which was once described as the ideological sword arm of the Hindutva combine, was giving out a message that it was carrying out the tasks assigned to it in a larger Hindutva initiative.

“In a sense it was also a message from another Gujarati leader of the Sangh Parivar, VHP’s international general secretary Praveen Togadia, not to be carried away by the election victories scored by the other Gujarati, Narendra Modi,” commented a senior Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) leader from Uttar Pradesh. Togadia had fallen out with Modi during the run-up to the 2005 local body elections in the State on account of the Chief Minister’s refusal to accommodate some of the close associates of the VHP leader in the candidates list. Since then, Togadia steadfastly kept away from the BJP campaign in Gujarat, and the two leaders even stopped communicating with each other. Moreover, dominant sections of the VHP led by Togadia often subjected former Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani and Modi to criticism for deviating from the core Hindutva ideological path. Togadia even maintained that these leaders had succumbed to the trappings of power and needed to make earnest attempts to overcome that.

“It was in this context that the symbolism of the December conflict in Orissa was perceived at various levels of the Sangh Parivar,” the RSS leader said. “It was as though the VHP was reminding the Sangh Parivar leadership that behind every election victory of the BJP, credited normally to the political sagacity of Atal Bihari Vajpayee or Advani or to the development initiative of Narendra Modi, there are scores of ideology-driven initiatives such as the one in Orissa,” he pointed out. The Orissa moves were led by Swami Lakshmanananda Saraswati, a veteran VHP leader, who was considered close to Togadia.

It is not known whether this interpretation of the Orissa riots was formally acknowledged by the Sangh Parivar leadership, but it is certain that there have been efforts in the past six months for a rapprochement between Togadia and Modi. The former’s comments about the Chief Minister during a visit to Ahmedabad in early August bears testimony to this. Togadia, who visited the city soon after the serial blasts, said he clearly supported the line pursued by Modi in addressing the threat of terrorism in Gujarat. When mediapersons asked him about the turnaround in their relationship, the VHP leader maintained that “fights take place between brothers and even spouses but ultimately they all belong to the same family”.

Jayanti Barot, BJP general secretary and Rajya Sabha member, supported this argument by explaining that even when Togadia and Modi had differences of opinion, they worked to achieve a common goal. “What you see as differences are actually the varied streams of a unified strategy,” she added. Barot’s opinion is corroborated by activists of other Sangh Parivar outfits such as the RSS, the BJP and the Bajrang Dal.

According to the RSS leader, it is true that the Sangh Parivar constituents, especially the BJP, went through a period of intense ideological confusion and organisational upheaval in the last months of 2004 and a good part of 2005. “But all that has been more or less rectified, and the Sangh Parivar is functioning like a good orchestra these days. The rectification process was initiated between the last months of 2005 and early 2006 through a series of organisational initiatives. There may be some hitches even now in terms of fine-tuning, but the rampant confusion is a thing of the past and there is greater coordination among the different units at this point of time,” the leader said.

The course correction measures aimed at reviving coordination and concerted action among various Sangh Parivar outfits were launched by the RSS leadership after its October 2005 national executive at Chitrakoot in Uttar Pradesh. By the time the National Council (Pratinidhi Sabha) met in February 2006 at the organisation’s headquarters in Nagpur, these efforts had advanced considerably and the leadership even outlined an action plan (Frontline, March 10, 2006). The action plan signified a qualitative shift in emphasis from internal, organisational matters, which had manifested themselves as constant wrangling within the Sangh Parivar on ideological and organisational questions, to external socio-political goals, evolving in the form of a revived pursuit of the core Hindutva agenda along with a neoliberal economic agenda and attempts to exploit the differences among secular forces.

A series of programmes that were held at that time as well as some significant political interventions by the RSS exemplified this shift. The programmes included the VHP-sponsored “Dharam Sansads” (religious parliaments of sants and mahants) held in different parts of the country, including in Orissa’s Puri district, and the Shabari Kumbh Mela organised at Dangs in Gujarat. These programmes evolved a clutch of ideas and plans to advance the ideological, organisational, political and realpolitik interests of the Sangh Parivar. Each segment had diverse strategies, all cumulatively aimed at enhancing the Sangh Parivar’s support base.

The Dharam Sansad meetings – the Puri meet was held on February 18 and 19, 2006 – passed a 13-point Hindu charter, which was described by the Sangh Parivar leadership as the “core ideological blueprint” of Hindutva initiatives in the future. The charter included oft-repeated Sangh Parivar demands such as a ban on cow slaughter, purification of the Ganga, and imposition of the common civil code, but its central piece was the decision to develop a Hindu vote bank to counter the alleged Muslim vote bank. The plan was “to develop a Hindu vote bank to pressure all political parties to protect and advance the interests of the Hindu community, cutting across barriers of caste”. In concrete terms, this meant the creation of a block of Hindutva volunteers in each booth of the country, who would support and work for the candidate who gives in to Hindutva demands.

The Shabari Kumbh Mela was professedly an event “to promote self-respect and confidence among the Vanvasis [the Sangh Parivar terminology for Adivasis] as well as to resist and revert the conversions to Christianity engineered by missionaries”. The presentations at the mela argued that organisations of Muslims and Christians were working in a planned manner to effect a demographic shift. It was in the context of this conference that many RSS leaders, including sarsanghachalak K.S. Sudarshan, exhorted the Hindu community to ignore the concept of family planning so that India did not become a “society dominated by Muslims and Christians”.

Sudarshan also exhorted leaders of Sangh Parivar outfits to evolve campaign plans highlighting this issue. These campaigns were to follow broadly the blatantly communal slogan of the VHP, pehle kasai phir isai. Roughly it means the first priority is to tackle and coerce Muslims into submission and then Christians.

Organisationally, the initiatives undertaken between October 2005 and February 2006 witnessed repeated expressions of intent to enhance the importance of organisations such as the VHP and the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh and cut the BJP leadership to size. It was also decided to evolve a collective leadership in the BJP in order to ensure that the party did not lose its ideological moorings but at the same time adopted such political postures that it was able to wean away regional and smaller parties from the secular fold. This go-ahead for realpolitik also reflected a clearance to the pursuit of neoliberal policies opportunistically.

NEOLIBERAL HINDUTVA

RSS cadre at the Walpur Bagoria Mela grounds, about 60 km from the district headquarters of Jhabua in Madhya Pradesh. The RSS has played a major role in the Bagoria festival in the tribal belt.

According to the Uttar Pradesh RSS leader, the evaluation of the Sangh Parivar leadership in early 2008 was that all the diverse political, organisational, ideological and realpolitik operations were going on more or less smoothly. Gujarat has shown that neoliberal Hindutva is a workable proposition. The realpolitik initiatives since February 2006 led to a significant political victory in Karnataka, too. There, the differences among secular parties were exploited well by the BJP to come to power on its own.

The Sangh Parivar leadership is also of the view that collective action has been facilitated to a great extent by the elevation of Rajnath Singh to the top leadership of the BJP and the dilution of the Advani-Vajpayee stranglehold over the political arm. Within the RSS itself, the authority exercised by sarkaryavah (general secretary) Mohan Rao Bhagwat over organisational and political matters is acclaimed to have contributed in a big way in setting things in order.

A number of Sangh Parivar activists, including veteran RSS leaders, told Frontline that the Sangh Parivar leadership had evaluated the Orissa project as one that was on course. The operations in Orissa were essentially following the Shabari Kumbh Mela’s directives and Togadia was closely involved in its execution. Here, too, a kind of neoliberal Hindutva is at work. “Gujarat was the original experimental lab of the Hindutva agenda. That has more or less stabilised as a Hindutva bastion under the able leadership of Narendra Modi, and now we are looking forward to Orissa. Though Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik belongs to a non-Sangh Parivar party – the Biju Janata Dal – he has been more than cooperative in helping us advance our agenda,” a senior RSS leader from Jharkhand told Frontline.

He added that in South India, the Sangh Parivar hoped to repeat in Kerala the big gains of Karnataka. The BJP has not been able to win even a single Assembly seat in Kerala so far. “Our students movement, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, is making big gains on the campuses of the State and the number of people who are disgruntled with the corruption and infighting in the two mainstream parties of Kerala, the Congress and the Communist Party of India (Marxist), is increasing day by day.” But the Sangh Parivar leadership’s clear assessment is that Orissa will be the first State to follow Gujarat as a Hindutva model.

See for a series of articles of the Sangh Parivar's violent campaign against Christians in Orissa as a part of a political project-

Frontline, Volume 25, Number 19, September 13-26 2008

Continuous violation of human rights in Taraso

Panchayat leader appeals for solution to boundary dispute, The Arunachal Times, 7 September 2008.

ITANAGAR, Sept 6: VI Taraso Zilla Parishad Member Nabam Eka appealed to the governments of Arunachal Pradesh and Asom to initiate steps to solve the problem of boundary issue permanently.
The people of Taraso are ready to support and cooperate with the two state governments in bring about an early out come.
Eka thanked the journalists of Asom for visiting the area to collect first hand information about the culture, economic and social aspects of the people living in Arunachal Pradesh.
Interstate journalists visit should be encouraged so that a unique bond of friendship and unity amongst the two states is strengthened, he said.
There is continuous violation of human rights in Taraso, the ZPM said and added that the government of Asom is terrorizing the peace loving people of the border area of Arunachal territory with police force, CRPF and Forest personnel.
Recalling the recent evection carried out in Dullung-Ramghat village under Taraso circle and the massive destruction of properties by the Asom Forest department along with the CRPF and Asom police, Eka said violation of human rights have been taking place repeatedly since 1992.
Despite such terrorizing act the people of Taraso is maintaining peace and harmony with the people of Asom by celebrating Nyokum and Bihu festivals jointly, he further added.
Though the natives of Taraso have been dwelling in the area before 1914 yet the government of Asom has been claiming the land, the ZPM said.
He further stated that the Asom government has never maintained status quo between the two states as agreed.

Tani Human Rights Council-http://tanibrotherhood.wordpress.com/

Culture of Taniland

Is it Westernization, Sanskritization or "Neo-Hinduism" ?

Innocent people of Taniland should not be fooled by the Sangh Parivar in the name of preservation of tradition and culture. Our identity is based on our ethnicity, not on religion as the Indian state do. The whole of North East India (United States of Asia) base their identity on ethnicity not on religion. So, you'll here the words like Meitei, Naga, Khasi, Kuki, Ahom, Bodo, Monpa...The Westerners might be Christians but when it comes to identity they are the German (Deutsche) and so on.

The partition of British India into Pakistan and India shows us how religious based identities can divide people of the same ethnic group. We Tani's should be aware of propagandas made by the Hindutva forces in Taniland, in the name of culture to divide us. Looking the future ahead, the Tanibrotherhood stands for fraternity and brotherhood among the Tani's, irrespective of whatever faith one belongs to.

We are Tani's, that's our identity.

Cultures grow and are not static.

Faith, religion, a personal matter.

Son and daughters of Tani, the first life known.

Let communal fascist forces come,but we are Tani's.

That's our Identity and need no preservation.

No preservatives required, we are not pickles.

An identity which won't perish, looking for.

We are Tani's, that's our identity.

Who are the Tani's?

The Tanii's inhabit the central part of the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, right bank of the river Brahmaputra in Assam and also the Nyingchi region in Tibet/China. They are known as Adi, Apatani, Galo, Hill Miri, Nyishi, Tagin in Arunachal Pradesh, Mishing in Assam and Lhoba in Tibet/China. The Adi's were known as Abor but they prefer themselves to be called as Adi which means hillman. The Nyishi's were also known as Dafla in earlier writings.These groups of people trace their lineage to Tanii, the first man on earth.

REAL DOGS OF WAR: England Will Send a Force to Act in Expedition Against the Abors

LONDON, Aug. 12. -- England is to employ war dogs in order to settle a little matter existing between this nation and the Abors of Assam, who inhabit a wild and mountainous tract of land between China and India, where Noel Williamson and his party were murdered on March 30 last.

View full article- http://query.nytimes.com/mem/archive-free/pdf?res=9F03E1DC1531E233A25753C2A96E9C946096D6CF

Heart and Soul of United States of Asia(USA)

Football and Music is equivalent to the Heart and Soul of the people in the United States of Asia(USA). Music and Sports have been part of this culturally rich people. It is the land where Polo originated(Manipur). People "eat and play" football. Outside of it's territory, there are many footballers who play for clubs like East Bengal, Mohun Bagan, JCT, etc. in India. Some of them represent the Indian National Football Team. For example-Baichung Bhutia is presently the Indian Captain.

Football is the most famous game in this region. When it comes to mainland India, its Cricket. Therefore, if India needs a strong national team, football needs to be encouraged in this region. As the people are crazy about this game, it has lots of potential for development. But instead of developing the game,the Indian Government is trying to promote Cricket in this region. On the other hand it is trying its level best to develop football in mainland India, pouring out all that is allocated by FIFA(the World governing body of Football) and so on.

Here lies the step-motherly treatment towards the people of "United States of Asia". It shows that the infrastructure for the development of football in this region will only be there,when mainland India knows "How to play?"

India should learn from its recent contest against Bhutan(a component of USA) in SAAF 2008 Edition where Gurmangi (a guy from Manipur in USA)saved it by a last minute goal in the extra-time. It ultimately lost to a small Island nation, Maldives in the final.

United States of Asia(USA)-http://unitedstatesofeast.blogspot.com/

Sarma, Alpana (2005) “Indian state fights to preserve animist religion”, Dawn, 16 May 2005.

ITANAGAR (India): Tamo Mindo, a slight man with creased eyes, stares intently at the liver of a chicken he has just killed. Mindo, a 58-year-old shaman belonging to the animist Donyi Polo religion, is looking for clues to help him tell which spirit has possessed a woman he has been asked to cure. Mindo is among the few people trying to preserve his religion from the increasing influence of Hinduism and Christianity in the remote northeastern Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh.Donyi Polo, one of a few surviving centuries-old animist religions in the hilly state home to about 20 major tribes, means sun and moon. The tribes believe the sun and moon are the eyes of god and nothing can ever be hidden from god. While Arunachal Pradesh, or land of the rising sun, is still largely animist unlike India’s other northeastern states which have become heavily Christianised, the number of Christian converts has increased over the years.The number of Christians had increased to about 18 per cent of the sparsely populated state of a little over 1 million in 2001 from 10.3 per cent in 1991. Christians account for barely 2 per cent of India’s total population of more than a billion.“What is alarming is not how many Christians there are, but the pace at which conversions have taken place from the 1990s,” said filmmaker Moji Riba, who has been documenting changes among tribes in Arunachal Pradesh.In the mid-1980s, Arunachal, long isolated from the rest of India to protect the faith of tribes from Christian missionaries, saw a movement to convert Donyi Polo into an organized religion and make it more palatable to the masses.In an effort to combat the threat from Christianity, temples were built, Saturday was set aside as a day for worship and ritual sacrifice was curbed.
ANTI-CONVERSION BILLS: Still, Christianity has become a sensitive issue in this hilly state today.Tony Koyu, a 43-year-old radio artist who has been developing a script to preserve the oral traditions of tribes in Arunachal Pradesh, said “alien religions and alien cultures have very badly affected our traditional faith”.Some Hindu groups in India accuse Christian missionaries of using inducements such as schooling to lure poor people to the faith, and have also launched a movement to reconvert many tribal Christians back to Hinduism.Several states have passed anti-conversion bills aimed primarily at preventing people from converting to Christianity. Arunachal passed such a bill in 1978. The western state of Gujarat, which was torn by India’s worst religious riots in India in a decade in 2002, passed an anti-conversion bill in 2003.The desert state of Rajasthan, which is ruled by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party, also plans to introduce a similar bill. The move has met with considerable opposition with the state where Christians form just about 0.1 per cent of the population.“We would bring an anti-conversion bill aimed at containing ‘forceful religious conversion’ by any organisation in the state,” said Rajasthan’s social welfare minister, Madan Dilwar.Last month, a hardline Hindu group, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, converted some 3,200 Muslims to Hinduism in a huge ceremony in Rajasthan.“When we have religious freedom in the constitution, I don’t think there is any necessity to bring this bill,” Emmanuel Mission International Chairman M.N. Thomas told Reuters.
STRADDLING: But Arunachal’s animistic traditions are under threat not only from Christianity, but also Hinduism. Although the number of Hindus in the state dropped to 34.6 per cent in 2001 from 37.0 per cent a decade ago, Hinduism does pose a threat to the traditional practices and beliefs of the tribes.“Hindu missionaries are going ahead with the reinvention of the traditional faith with temples being built, the tying of holy thread and even the ringing of bells,” said filmmaker Riba.As the two identities clash in this isolated state flanked by China, Bhutan and Myanmar, Mindo finds himself straddling the diverse worlds of animism and Hinduism. Not only does he head an association of shamans, or nyibos, in the state capital, Itanagar, he is also a member of the Hindu nationalist Vishwa Hindu Parishad.But for Mindo, there is no conflict between the two offices he holds. He believes that Hinduism and Donyi Polo are closely aligned in their basic faith and practices. And Mindo’s house reflects the duality of his religious beliefs. He worships not only Yapom, the Donyi Polo god of the mountains, but also Shiva, the Hindu god of destruction. Both jostle for space in his home and both are worshipped with equal devotion.“People tell me to not join the Hindus. Even though they don’t know what it’s about, they say the VHP is bad,” Mindo said.—Reuters


VOICE OF TANILAND-http://tanibrotherhood.blogspot.com/

Know the Adi tribe of Taniland

Who are the Adi's?
Abor-http://www.everyculture.com/South-Asia/Abor.html
Abor country travels and expeditions:
http://www.aborcountrytravels.com/pemako.htm
Wikipedia:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Adi_people#Tribes_and_organisation
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tribe_(TV_series)
Pilot Destination Gude:
http://www.pilotguides.com/destination_guide/asia/india/adi_tribe_of_arunachal_pradesh.php
BBC: http://www.bbc.co.uk/tribe/tribes/adi/index.shtml

Language: The Adi's belong to the Tanee speaking people which is a part of the Tibeoto-Burman group of languages, descending down from the Sino-Tibetian language.
Ethnologue.com:http://www.ethnologue.com/show_language.asp?code=adi
Resource centre for Indian Language solutions:
http://www.iitg.ernet.in/rcilts/heirarchy.htm
Research Centre for Linguistic Typology:
http://www.latrobe.edu.au/rclt/StaffPages/post.htm

The Anglo-Adi War's
Anglo-Adi War of 1894 by Dr.N.Lego
http://arunachalipr.gov.in/Latest_publication/rev_Mar_angloadiwar.pdf


Readings-
In Abor Jungles by A. Hamilton.
A Dictionary of Abor-Miri Language by J.Herbert Lorrain.
The North-East Frontier of India by Alexender Mackenzie.
Wild Races of the Eastern Frontier of India by T.H.Lewin.
The Mishmee Hills: An account of the Journey made in an attempt to penetrate Tibet from Assam to open new routes for commerce by T.T.Copper.
The Frontier Peoples of India by Alexander McLeish.
The Eastern Frontier of India by R.B.Pemberton

Peter Ronald deSouza, "Fly away Peter, fly away Paul," The Economic Times, 7 June 2oo8.

Remember the old nursery rhyme which made little sense to us as kids but which we loved to sing because it had so much punch and we could act it out.

Two little dicky birds sitting on a wall,
One named Peter, one named Paul,
Fly Away Peter, Fly away Paul,
Come Back Peter, Come Back Paul.

The innocuous news item that the Union cabinet had given its clearance to the aviation ministry’s proposal to allow private parties to have their own airports and helipads, for their own exclusive use, and thus, as a consequence, not have to use public airports, completes the story that India’s Super Elite have finally seceded from the country. As practical as the proposal may appear, as convincing as its back-of-envelope calculations may suggest, the policy is deeply flawed, both morally and politically.

It is yet another illustration that our policy community, at the highest levels, has succumbed to a flawed positivist mindset that only valorises the comfort of the wealthy. What is good for them is good for the country.
This is in error.

One needs only to look at Amartya Sen’s book Ethics and Economics, and the global debates in the area on normative concerns of economics, to know how flawed such thinking is. And yet it drives our policy-making as if the larger concerns of justice, and community solidarity and fraternity are of little relevance. This is a mindset that needs to be challenged and the innocuous news item, and the nursery rhyme, will help me do so. Let me elaborate.

Three basic arguments have been forwarded for private airports. The first concerns simple pragmatics. It will reduce congestion at a time when our airports are getting overcrowded and since private planes take longer to land, by moving them out we will save landing time of the other aircraft. The second relates to safety. The aviation authorities will ensure that these airports will maintain the highest safety standards and so, for the flying public, there is no cause for anxiety. The third is a version of ‘he who pays the piper calls the tune’. As long as they pay for it they can have it.

When seen from the perspective of the super elite these are sound reasons. Since they will have saved time and discomfort, they can get back to the business of generating wealth. This, as the argument goes, is good for the country. But is it? Are things so straightforward?

When seen from a host of other perspectives the policy seems perverse. Take the secessionist argument which holds that the policy encourages the super-elite to live life in a bubble. From the helipad at the top of the corporate headquarters, to another helipad in the factory complex, to perhaps a private airport for a journey to Delhi, the captains of industry can journey across the country without having to meet, or rub shoulders with, or even see the ordinary Indian, let alone experience the minimal existential reflections on the lives of those who live in the slums they have to drive through on their way to the airport.

Those people, in many cases, might be their own workers. They will thus never know the possible causes that have reduced to a life of indignity those who beg at red-light crossings, or the conditions of the villagers who have to walk for miles for water, or the anxieties of our rural youth as they search for a space between the rural and urban. The helipad has airbrushed the poor Indian from the lives of our super-elite. They can now sit in oak-panelled boardrooms as they plan India’s growth story without the smells and sounds and colours of India. The Mahatma’s train journey has no lesson for them nor does the more recent yatras of Rahul Gandhi. Why subject them to a little existential angst? How can they script India’s rise if they have to face a little discomfort at a public airport?

So not only are India’s poor being airbrushed from the lives of our super rich, but also the aspiring middle class in ill-fitting jeans and cheap French perfumes as they wait for their flights in pursuit of the next sales target or the next LTC. The middle classes, the foot soldiers of Indian industry, are also a nuisance. So, who do the super-elite meet? People like themselves only. The faceless lackeys, who make it possible, fade into the wall paper. This is bad not just for Indian democracy, because we will have a class of very powerful people who have lived very insulated lives, but also for them since they will have lost access to the diversity of India and life itself.

And once this is permitted it will produce a cascading ‘me too’ trend. From the ‘biggies’ of industry the policy will produce similar aspirations among the ‘wannabes’ of the corporate world. Just look at the 176% growth of in the luxury car segment in January and February 2008, as compared to the same period last year, and the number of Indians queuing up to purchase a residence in Palazzo Versace in Dubai, to get a sense of the magnitude of this ‘me too’ phenomenon.

And if corporate India can have private airports then why not the political class? And the senior bureaucracy? Surely their comfort and time is also important? So what began with private housing enclaves, then moving on to private schools, then private hospitals, has now extended to private airports. A life in a bubble. And for leisure, it’s the yachts in Goa! If this is not secession, what is?

There is another important concern. Private airports will require a lot of land. The country has just witnessed political movements on the SEZ policy requiring the government to take corrective measures and in some cases reverse its decisions. Again the poor farmer will have to give up prime land with the Land Acquisition Act being used to get (let me get it right) private land for a public purpose for a private airport.

This is perverse. Taking land from the poor and giving it to the rich for the benefit of the poor! Why not just improve our public airports so that all air travellers can benefit? A little discomfort will not hurt the super-elite too much. And it will also make flying, for us poor sods, a bit more exciting to see our icons in the same security queue as us. Oh the nursery rhyme, I forgot. The new policy wants to stop at the third line of the rhyme: ‘fly away Peter, fly away Paul’. I want to stop at the fourth ‘come back Peter, come back Paul’.

(The author is director, Indian Institute of Advanced Study, Shimla.)

Chandu Tum Zinda Ho...

Pamplet brought out by AISA, "Chandu Tum Zinda HO..." on the XIth Anniversary of Com.Chandrashekar's martyrdom,31 March 2008.

"...Future generations will ask us-where where you when new social forces of struggle where being unleashed, when the marginal voices of our society were asserting?...It's our duty to be a part of the struggle to make a truly secular, democratic, self-reliant, egalitarian India." -Comrade Chandrashekhar in JNUSU Presidential Debate 1994.

With his life, his struggles and his martyrdom, Chandrashekar reminded us that our campus can't simply be an academic enclave; it is bound by a thousand links to the heartbeat of India's struggling people. As JNUSU VP in 1993, as JNUSU President in 1994 and 1995, he led the successful struggle for restoration of Deprivation Points for students from deprived sections in JNU admissions, the historic movement against fee hike and privatization proposals and initiated the move for creation of an autonomous body in JNU to look into cases of sexual harassment. He resolutely resisted communal fascism and linked JNU with the people's movements all over India.

Many make the journey from the village to the city-Chandu chose to make the journey back: deciding to return to his hometown Siwan for a life of activism. This campus heared Chandu's voice resound often, raising bold slogans challenging the powers that be. On March 31 1997, exactly ten years back, while he was addressing a street-corner meeting at JP Chowk, Siwan, for Bihar Bandh against massacre of dalits, bullets sponsored by the local mafia-MP Shahabuddin sought to silence him. Following his martyrdom an unprecedented student movement led by the students of JNU rocked the national capital for over a month.

Throught the last decade, both the communal-casteist gang up as well as the corporate-dictated neo-liberal policies have intensified their offensive against people of this country. The Apex court of the land while endrosing the Brahminical meritocracy of corporate-backed anti-reservationists is turning a blind eye to the massive reservation of land and subsidies for the mega-corporates in the name of SEZs. But it is also the phase when people's resistance movements are scaling new heights: from the powerful assertion of North-East people against the draconian AFSPA following Manorama Devi's brutal rape and murder to the heroic resistance by the people of Kalinganagar and now Nandigram braving bullets against SEZs and corporate land grab.

Chandu's spirit was one of bold interventation in all the key political questions of his time: the communal campaign against Babri Masjid; the casteist frenzy against Mandal Commission reservation; the policies of privatization; a range of people's movements on the issues of caste, gender, class.

In our times, whenever students of JNU have boldly kicked out Nestle and defended the campus from corporatisation; joined the cry to scrap AFSPA, both on the streets od Delhi and Manipur; held hunger strike for over a month to defend OBC quotas from the elitist anti-reservationsist; waged and won battles to democratise JNU through increased MCM fellowships and recognition for Madarsa certificates; looked the Prime Minister in the eye to show him black flags;rallied with the protesting peasants of Singur and Nandigram, Kalinganagar and Khammam, and corporate land grab; risked rustication to protest when workers are denied minimum wages on campus; spoken out in solidarity with those being witch-hunted in the name of being Muslim or Naxalite; and resolutely resisted the communal lumpens on campus and beyond...their political impulses and struggles have kept alive Chandrashekhar's spirit and his politics!

Today on the XIth anniversary of Com.Chandrashekhar's martyrdom, AISA salutes the martyr of peoples' struggle and rededicates itself to carry forward their unfinished agenda both in the campus and beyond.

The Centre-State Relations in India

By Shiv Visvanathan,"Delhi cannot hold", The Indian Express, 28 March 28, 2008, OP-ED

I think the message of the information technology revolution and the rise of the regional parties has been lost on us. We read IT as the dominance of private over public. We read the new success stories in cricket and Bollywood as the rise of small town, as a diffusion of the myth of mobility. But our politicians and bureaucrats still behave like satraps from the capital visiting remote domains when they drop in on Gujarat or Kerala. The message coming from all over India is that Delhi is irrelevant. It might still legislate but its laws make little sense outside.
The danger of Delhi is that it feels an idea is good only if it exists in Delhi. So every tribal academy, research institution, major university has to be in Delhi. Ask yourself a simple question: why is national equal to Delhi when it is in reality an isolated city without even the vision of a cosmopolitan city state? Delhi legislates but it rarely invents, it controls but can hardly create. Every inmate sits with a committee gene in his soul. What Delhi does not realise is that India is seceding and the state does not even know it.
A nation state like India cannot remain intact without a collection of secessions. Secession is a hypothesis we must encourage. It need not be an act of treason, it could be a ritual of renewal. It should be as seasonal as migration.
Any imaginative democracy allows for secession, especially as temporary segmentation. Our notion of the Centre should not demand the fixity of Fevicol. The Centre should be a hypothesis reinvented constantly by the regions. Why should the idea of national be certified by Delhi? I am not denying the need for order, quality and standards. But why should order, control, hierarchy stem from a single source called the capital? Consider a set of simple anecdotes.
Imagine I want to start an institute for ecology. I begin the idea as institute for understanding pastoral and nomadic change or an attempt to look at the future of tribes. The standard notions of development, homogeneity, hierarchy would feel (a) that tribals should not have an idea of a tribal institute, and (b) to call it a national tribal or nomadic institute is an oxymoron.
If I am tribal, I am marginal; if I am nomadic, I am already decentred. Why do I need the capital’s certification to be national? The vision of national, regional, state level institutes is a hierarchised one. It makes no sense to a tribal in Jharkhand to create a national centre in Delhi. It is a form of detribalisation. Anyway, most of the new national institutes are mere fiefdoms for IAS officers out on a limb or planning a leisurely retirement.
Push the issue deeper. Our notions of security are Delhi-centric. We respond to any model of tribal rights as secession. If marginal tribals and peasants protest they are all dubbed as Naxal. What if I as a tribal were to say that forests belong to me? What if tribal areas were handed to local tribal councils? What if we were to say no forest land can be appropriated without a local referendum? Why can’t national interests be decided locally? Why should the idea of locality be so parochial? In fact, nationalism today requires the cosmopolitanism of localities thinking in terms of size and scale.
A nation state is a poor notion of the complexities of a nation. Just ask yourself a simple question. Why should the diaspora which has virtually seceded be given dual citizenship while a nomad or a pastoral group be arrested for crossing a boundary line? What is so sacrosanct about a boundary that we have to censor any picture that distorts it? A lot of what we call border violation is merely an expression of old ways of life, old memories questioning the illiteracy of boundary, a memory-less empty line that destroys ways of life that are struggling to survive. What is it about identity that needs fixity?
Modify the problem a bit. Why should we have an ICSSR in Delhi? In fact, why an Indian Council? Why not let different regions invent their own social science? Why bureaucratise it? ICSSRs don’t create social science any more than Knowledge Commission creates knowledge. Knowledge commissions only talk about science as certified statist knowledge.
What if we had a series of ‘local’ reports on tribal, craft knowledge, women’s knowledge, marginal ideas of coping, reports on how slums and neighbourhood create science and use it? We might arrive at more enlightened notions of waste or sensitive models of medical knowledge. A nation is a collection of absences. Secession is a reminder of the presences the nation treats as noise or silence. An aggregation of such reports would have at least given us a better idea of innovation that we currently have.
It is paradoxical that we talk of decentralising the organisation and not the nation. A few minor flexibilities, a few acts of delegation become canonised as decentralisation. We need to invent alternative possibilities, temporary acts of secession which tell the Centre it actually does not hold.
Secession does not have to be seen as threatening. Secession is first a playful attempt to rethink the frame of Centre/state. The Congress was once a collection of secessions, that is why it held India together. Today the Congress is a centrist frame, a little club in Delhi pretending it understands the country. English viceroys had a better sense of India than our prince in waiting in the party.
The diversity of India to which democracy is tied demands we break away from the current idea of Delhi. We have to invent alternative worlds before Delhi destroys us. The challenge is simple. Find ways to secede such that Delhi does not know it. The old slogan ‘Delhi door nahi’ should now be ‘Delhi door rahe’. Think of six ways to secede without the state knowing it.

Kosovo's Independence: Victory for People's Struggle

The historic declaration of independence by Kosovo on 17 February 2008 reminds us of the May 2006 referendum in Montenegro that led to its emergence as an independent republic.It had an interesting resonances among the leaders and supporters of the separatist and secessionist insurgencies in "North-East India". The idea of a referendum under international supervision on these sovereignity struggles has held an appeal to these.During the wake of the Montenegro referendum, civil society organisations in Manipur revived the plebiscite call in a public meeting held in Imphal. The meeting was addressed among others by the king of Manipur, a former Lok Sabha member from the state, a former human rights commissioner, the president of the Journalists' Union, leders of political parties and women( always a potent force in Manipur) though no programmatic action followed.

The recent declaration of independence by Kosovo and the prompt announcement of its recognition by the US President George W Bush also has had a similar resonance. With equal promptitude, Isak Swu, Chairman of the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagalim(NSCN I-M),which is holding talks with the Government fo India since June 1997, wrote to Fatmir Sejdiu congratulating the people of Kosovo on the "historic independence declaration on 17 February 2008".

The statement as reported in the NSCN website, reads thus: "The bold decesion of Kosovo and its victory is a clear message sent to all over the world that the rights of the nation, big or small, weak o strong must be acknowledge. As among the co-constituent members of the Parliamentarians for National Self-Determination(PNSD) and as a struggling nation, Nagalim fully supports the newly achieved status of Kosovo and feels overwhelmed at the triumph of the people's will."

Further, the PNSD statement signed by its Chair and Vice-Chair, Lord Ahmed and Elfyn Llwyd reads as "We have been asked to convey to the Kosovo people the congratulations and best wishes of all of PNSD's Advisoryy Panels-Kurdish, Naga, Kashmir and Sikh. The destiny of those and many other peoples and nations who also aspire to self-determination(in whatever form they freely decide) will rest upon the will of the international community to live up to its moral and legal obligations."

The military atrocities carried out by the Belgrade Government against the Kosovos had opened the road to the independence of Kosovo. In this part of the "North-East India", the Indian Governments atrocities can be found in its military operations supported by its draconian laws such as the Assam Disturbed Areas Act,1955, the Armed Forces (Special Powers Act),1958, the Armed Forces(Assam and Manipur) Special Powers Act, 1972, with further minor verbal amendments to enable the extension of the Act to the full-fledged states of Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram in 1986.Thus, with the Westphalian nation state gaining legitimacy, such "colonial constructs as the Indian state are bound to crack up and collapse even without external aggression, defeat in War and foreign aggression" due to its "state terrorism".

References
Prabhakara, M.S(2008), "Agenda for re-colonisation?", The Hindu, 12 March 2008, p.11.
NSCN Website: http://www.nscnonline.org/
http://naganation.com/archives/62

Bomb blast in Taniland

The Tanibrotherhood strongly condems the blast that had occured during the cultural evening on the occasion of Ali Aye Ligang-a seed sowing festival of the Mishing (Tanii tribe) at Murkongselek(Jonai) in Taniland. Four persons, including two women were killed and 150 injuried when suspected anti-Tanii militants triggered the powerful blast. One person died on the spot, two succumed to injuries at the Dhemaji civil hospital while another died at the Assam Medical College and Hospital.

India must relate growth rate with social development, says U.N expert

Report by Aarti Dhar

The Hindu, 3 February 2008

NEW DELHI: For years now, India has proved there need not be a trade-off between democracy and high economic growth rate. But what it has to do now is to relate economic growth rate with social development, according to Thandika Mkandawire, Director of the Geneva-based U.N. Research Institute for Social Development.
Talking to The Hindu during his brief visit to the Capital, Mr. Mkandawire said the world was looking at India as a fast growing economy in the developing world but this growth needed to have a trickle-down effect on the poor people. “You can have this effect but for it to have a major impact, you would need a rapid growth,” he said.
However, the process of deliberate re-distributive growth had not happened so far and the government needed to devise some kind of a mechanism to combine economic and social policies because this would not happen automatically. “It has to be made to happen. And that where social policy matters,” he said, adding that historically India had produced some very interesting ideas on development.
Pointing out that for years India had remained a low-growth, low-equality country, Mr. Mkandawire said now it had entered the high growth bracket but inequality was also increasing, though the government claims that the number of poor has been reduced. “But then, Indian data is always controversial.”

Simultaneous process
Arguing that not many countries in the developing world had found a way of reconciling social policy to development process, Mr. Mkandawire said they thought social policy was costly and focused on growth rate with a hope that some day they would have enough money for social policy. “But our institute has done research that suggests that social policy is not something you do after development. It has to be a simultaneous process.”
Suggesting social policy was an important instrument for development, Mr. Mkandawire said there were some interesting initiatives taken by India for social development such as the implementation of the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (NREGA) scheme that was being keenly followed at the United Nations. “This seems to be a serious attempt to share the growth rate but how effective it would be one cannot say though it is an interesting idea.”
The U.N. has commissioned studies to look at what is happening and review this interesting experiment if it worked, he said.

Great achievement
Democracy is another ‘sector’ in India that interests Mr. Mkandawire. Sustained democracy is a great achievement of India in the context of high poverty figures that also proves that democracy did not automatically reduce poverty, he explained. “For years there was this debate on how democracy had not provided poor the space to use their numbers to change this for them. I suggest there has to be social and political mobilisation to use this democratic space for pursuing policies that benefit them. The poor have to organise themselves to change things in their favour.”

Low enrolment
While India is being perceived as an important actor on the world scene, Mr. Mkandawire is at a loss to explain the low school enrolment ratio. “The gap seems so obvious and I am curious to know how some low-income growth and less democratic countries have more number of kids going to school than in India.”

IT's raining ultrasmall personal computers

Report by Anand Parthasarathy

The Hindu, 3 February 2008, p.11.

Bangalore: Great minds think alike, we used to say. They also think small, very small — it would seem. Almost simultaneous launches throughout January saw leading manufacturers add to the growing roster of ultra small personal computers or UMPCs being offered in India.
Last week we reviewed two models from HCL’s MiLeap series. Since then the Taiwan-based Asus has brought out the EeePC, a Linux-based, camera-backed UMPC with a 7-inch screen, an all-solid state 4GB storage and just adequate 512 MB of memory. Weighing just 920 gm, the machine like the competitors in this emerging category, leaves out an optical, that is CD/DVD, drive, which might challenge buyers if install new applications. One will have to invest in an external DVD drive if one wants to load new CD or DVD-based software. Targeting children
Priced at Rs. 18,000, the EeePC (the Es stand for Easy to learn, Excellent Internet and Excellent Mobile experience) comes with WiFi capability and has built-in stereo speakers and a microphone. It is clearly aimed at families and children — which is why Darsheel Safary, child star of the Aamir Khan film, Taare Zameen Par, was around at the launch to receive the first piece.
A low-key launch has also seen another compellingly priced offering in the ultra mobile category. The Mumbai- based Allied Computers International (a respected brand in the U.K. for budget PCs) has launched the ACi Ethos in India. This 7-inch screen machine is fuelled by a 1 GHz processor from Via, sports 512 MB of memory. Like the EeePC it dispenses with an optical drive — but unlike the EeePC, it goes for a miniature hard drive which means 40 GB of standard storage.
The default operating system is a Linux version but the machine is sufficiently powered to run Windows XP. The keyboard is fully functional and the PC is WiFi and ethernet-enabled.
Weighing just 950 gm and priced at Rs. 14,999, the Ethos is just Rs. 1,000 costlier than the HCL MiLeap X we tested last week — but that machine did not come with a hard drive and its ruggedisation features added nearly half kg to the weight.Higher specification
ACi will also offer a higher specification model with a 120 GB hard disk, a better Intel processor, and touch screen-tablet features, running Windows Vista, that is expected to retail at Rs. 24,999.
HCL’s MyLeap Y is similarly featured but costs some Rs. 5,000 more — while the Asus EeePC is priced somewhere between the cost of the entry level machines and the tablet UMPCs.
Adding to the surfeit of computing goodies being unleashed in India, Fujitsu has launched half a dozen models including the “smallest PC in the world,” the Lifebook U1010 which uses a 5.6-inch touch screen and weighs just 6,300 gm. Such miniaturisation comes at a price — Rs. 75,00