Chandu Tum Zinda Ho...

Pamplet brought out by AISA, "Chandu Tum Zinda HO..." on the XIth Anniversary of Com.Chandrashekar's martyrdom,31 March 2008.

"...Future generations will ask us-where where you when new social forces of struggle where being unleashed, when the marginal voices of our society were asserting?...It's our duty to be a part of the struggle to make a truly secular, democratic, self-reliant, egalitarian India." -Comrade Chandrashekhar in JNUSU Presidential Debate 1994.

With his life, his struggles and his martyrdom, Chandrashekar reminded us that our campus can't simply be an academic enclave; it is bound by a thousand links to the heartbeat of India's struggling people. As JNUSU VP in 1993, as JNUSU President in 1994 and 1995, he led the successful struggle for restoration of Deprivation Points for students from deprived sections in JNU admissions, the historic movement against fee hike and privatization proposals and initiated the move for creation of an autonomous body in JNU to look into cases of sexual harassment. He resolutely resisted communal fascism and linked JNU with the people's movements all over India.

Many make the journey from the village to the city-Chandu chose to make the journey back: deciding to return to his hometown Siwan for a life of activism. This campus heared Chandu's voice resound often, raising bold slogans challenging the powers that be. On March 31 1997, exactly ten years back, while he was addressing a street-corner meeting at JP Chowk, Siwan, for Bihar Bandh against massacre of dalits, bullets sponsored by the local mafia-MP Shahabuddin sought to silence him. Following his martyrdom an unprecedented student movement led by the students of JNU rocked the national capital for over a month.

Throught the last decade, both the communal-casteist gang up as well as the corporate-dictated neo-liberal policies have intensified their offensive against people of this country. The Apex court of the land while endrosing the Brahminical meritocracy of corporate-backed anti-reservationists is turning a blind eye to the massive reservation of land and subsidies for the mega-corporates in the name of SEZs. But it is also the phase when people's resistance movements are scaling new heights: from the powerful assertion of North-East people against the draconian AFSPA following Manorama Devi's brutal rape and murder to the heroic resistance by the people of Kalinganagar and now Nandigram braving bullets against SEZs and corporate land grab.

Chandu's spirit was one of bold interventation in all the key political questions of his time: the communal campaign against Babri Masjid; the casteist frenzy against Mandal Commission reservation; the policies of privatization; a range of people's movements on the issues of caste, gender, class.

In our times, whenever students of JNU have boldly kicked out Nestle and defended the campus from corporatisation; joined the cry to scrap AFSPA, both on the streets od Delhi and Manipur; held hunger strike for over a month to defend OBC quotas from the elitist anti-reservationsist; waged and won battles to democratise JNU through increased MCM fellowships and recognition for Madarsa certificates; looked the Prime Minister in the eye to show him black flags;rallied with the protesting peasants of Singur and Nandigram, Kalinganagar and Khammam, and corporate land grab; risked rustication to protest when workers are denied minimum wages on campus; spoken out in solidarity with those being witch-hunted in the name of being Muslim or Naxalite; and resolutely resisted the communal lumpens on campus and beyond...their political impulses and struggles have kept alive Chandrashekhar's spirit and his politics!

Today on the XIth anniversary of Com.Chandrashekhar's martyrdom, AISA salutes the martyr of peoples' struggle and rededicates itself to carry forward their unfinished agenda both in the campus and beyond.

The Centre-State Relations in India

By Shiv Visvanathan,"Delhi cannot hold", The Indian Express, 28 March 28, 2008, OP-ED

I think the message of the information technology revolution and the rise of the regional parties has been lost on us. We read IT as the dominance of private over public. We read the new success stories in cricket and Bollywood as the rise of small town, as a diffusion of the myth of mobility. But our politicians and bureaucrats still behave like satraps from the capital visiting remote domains when they drop in on Gujarat or Kerala. The message coming from all over India is that Delhi is irrelevant. It might still legislate but its laws make little sense outside.
The danger of Delhi is that it feels an idea is good only if it exists in Delhi. So every tribal academy, research institution, major university has to be in Delhi. Ask yourself a simple question: why is national equal to Delhi when it is in reality an isolated city without even the vision of a cosmopolitan city state? Delhi legislates but it rarely invents, it controls but can hardly create. Every inmate sits with a committee gene in his soul. What Delhi does not realise is that India is seceding and the state does not even know it.
A nation state like India cannot remain intact without a collection of secessions. Secession is a hypothesis we must encourage. It need not be an act of treason, it could be a ritual of renewal. It should be as seasonal as migration.
Any imaginative democracy allows for secession, especially as temporary segmentation. Our notion of the Centre should not demand the fixity of Fevicol. The Centre should be a hypothesis reinvented constantly by the regions. Why should the idea of national be certified by Delhi? I am not denying the need for order, quality and standards. But why should order, control, hierarchy stem from a single source called the capital? Consider a set of simple anecdotes.
Imagine I want to start an institute for ecology. I begin the idea as institute for understanding pastoral and nomadic change or an attempt to look at the future of tribes. The standard notions of development, homogeneity, hierarchy would feel (a) that tribals should not have an idea of a tribal institute, and (b) to call it a national tribal or nomadic institute is an oxymoron.
If I am tribal, I am marginal; if I am nomadic, I am already decentred. Why do I need the capital’s certification to be national? The vision of national, regional, state level institutes is a hierarchised one. It makes no sense to a tribal in Jharkhand to create a national centre in Delhi. It is a form of detribalisation. Anyway, most of the new national institutes are mere fiefdoms for IAS officers out on a limb or planning a leisurely retirement.
Push the issue deeper. Our notions of security are Delhi-centric. We respond to any model of tribal rights as secession. If marginal tribals and peasants protest they are all dubbed as Naxal. What if I as a tribal were to say that forests belong to me? What if tribal areas were handed to local tribal councils? What if we were to say no forest land can be appropriated without a local referendum? Why can’t national interests be decided locally? Why should the idea of locality be so parochial? In fact, nationalism today requires the cosmopolitanism of localities thinking in terms of size and scale.
A nation state is a poor notion of the complexities of a nation. Just ask yourself a simple question. Why should the diaspora which has virtually seceded be given dual citizenship while a nomad or a pastoral group be arrested for crossing a boundary line? What is so sacrosanct about a boundary that we have to censor any picture that distorts it? A lot of what we call border violation is merely an expression of old ways of life, old memories questioning the illiteracy of boundary, a memory-less empty line that destroys ways of life that are struggling to survive. What is it about identity that needs fixity?
Modify the problem a bit. Why should we have an ICSSR in Delhi? In fact, why an Indian Council? Why not let different regions invent their own social science? Why bureaucratise it? ICSSRs don’t create social science any more than Knowledge Commission creates knowledge. Knowledge commissions only talk about science as certified statist knowledge.
What if we had a series of ‘local’ reports on tribal, craft knowledge, women’s knowledge, marginal ideas of coping, reports on how slums and neighbourhood create science and use it? We might arrive at more enlightened notions of waste or sensitive models of medical knowledge. A nation is a collection of absences. Secession is a reminder of the presences the nation treats as noise or silence. An aggregation of such reports would have at least given us a better idea of innovation that we currently have.
It is paradoxical that we talk of decentralising the organisation and not the nation. A few minor flexibilities, a few acts of delegation become canonised as decentralisation. We need to invent alternative possibilities, temporary acts of secession which tell the Centre it actually does not hold.
Secession does not have to be seen as threatening. Secession is first a playful attempt to rethink the frame of Centre/state. The Congress was once a collection of secessions, that is why it held India together. Today the Congress is a centrist frame, a little club in Delhi pretending it understands the country. English viceroys had a better sense of India than our prince in waiting in the party.
The diversity of India to which democracy is tied demands we break away from the current idea of Delhi. We have to invent alternative worlds before Delhi destroys us. The challenge is simple. Find ways to secede such that Delhi does not know it. The old slogan ‘Delhi door nahi’ should now be ‘Delhi door rahe’. Think of six ways to secede without the state knowing it.

Kosovo's Independence: Victory for People's Struggle

The historic declaration of independence by Kosovo on 17 February 2008 reminds us of the May 2006 referendum in Montenegro that led to its emergence as an independent republic.It had an interesting resonances among the leaders and supporters of the separatist and secessionist insurgencies in "North-East India". The idea of a referendum under international supervision on these sovereignity struggles has held an appeal to these.During the wake of the Montenegro referendum, civil society organisations in Manipur revived the plebiscite call in a public meeting held in Imphal. The meeting was addressed among others by the king of Manipur, a former Lok Sabha member from the state, a former human rights commissioner, the president of the Journalists' Union, leders of political parties and women( always a potent force in Manipur) though no programmatic action followed.

The recent declaration of independence by Kosovo and the prompt announcement of its recognition by the US President George W Bush also has had a similar resonance. With equal promptitude, Isak Swu, Chairman of the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagalim(NSCN I-M),which is holding talks with the Government fo India since June 1997, wrote to Fatmir Sejdiu congratulating the people of Kosovo on the "historic independence declaration on 17 February 2008".

The statement as reported in the NSCN website, reads thus: "The bold decesion of Kosovo and its victory is a clear message sent to all over the world that the rights of the nation, big or small, weak o strong must be acknowledge. As among the co-constituent members of the Parliamentarians for National Self-Determination(PNSD) and as a struggling nation, Nagalim fully supports the newly achieved status of Kosovo and feels overwhelmed at the triumph of the people's will."

Further, the PNSD statement signed by its Chair and Vice-Chair, Lord Ahmed and Elfyn Llwyd reads as "We have been asked to convey to the Kosovo people the congratulations and best wishes of all of PNSD's Advisoryy Panels-Kurdish, Naga, Kashmir and Sikh. The destiny of those and many other peoples and nations who also aspire to self-determination(in whatever form they freely decide) will rest upon the will of the international community to live up to its moral and legal obligations."

The military atrocities carried out by the Belgrade Government against the Kosovos had opened the road to the independence of Kosovo. In this part of the "North-East India", the Indian Governments atrocities can be found in its military operations supported by its draconian laws such as the Assam Disturbed Areas Act,1955, the Armed Forces (Special Powers Act),1958, the Armed Forces(Assam and Manipur) Special Powers Act, 1972, with further minor verbal amendments to enable the extension of the Act to the full-fledged states of Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram in 1986.Thus, with the Westphalian nation state gaining legitimacy, such "colonial constructs as the Indian state are bound to crack up and collapse even without external aggression, defeat in War and foreign aggression" due to its "state terrorism".

References
Prabhakara, M.S(2008), "Agenda for re-colonisation?", The Hindu, 12 March 2008, p.11.
NSCN Website: http://www.nscnonline.org/
http://naganation.com/archives/62

Bomb blast in Taniland

The Tanibrotherhood strongly condems the blast that had occured during the cultural evening on the occasion of Ali Aye Ligang-a seed sowing festival of the Mishing (Tanii tribe) at Murkongselek(Jonai) in Taniland. Four persons, including two women were killed and 150 injuried when suspected anti-Tanii militants triggered the powerful blast. One person died on the spot, two succumed to injuries at the Dhemaji civil hospital while another died at the Assam Medical College and Hospital.